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There are a number of potentially destabilizing militant groups, including the IMU, present on Turkmenistan's border with Afghanistan.

Anyone who is listening to Russian officials, or getting their information from Russian media lately would think that the Central Asian states are on the brink of disaster, that Islamic militants massing in Afghanistan are preparing to swarm over the border and establish a caliphate in the southern tier of the Commonwealth of Independent States.

Some view such warnings with skepticism, believing Russia, faced with new competition in Central Asia from China and the West, is resorting to its ultimate policy tool for influence in Central Asia – security – and is hyping the potential militant threat to bring the Central Asian states solidly back into Moscow's orbit.

RFE/RL's Turkmen Service, known locally as Azatlyk, assembled a panel discussion to look at how real the threat is to Turkmenistan, Moscow's possible motives for the repeated dire warnings to Ashgabat and the other Central Asian governments, and what is being reported about help from the world powers for Turkmenistan.

Azatlyk director Muhammad Tahir moderated the discussion with panelists Nikita Mendkovitch, expert on Afghanistan at the Russian International Affairs Council, Artem Ulunian, Central Asian analyst and head research associate in the Institute of History at the Russian Academy of Sciences, and Colonel Cheryl Garner, retired, formerly the team leader of Central and South Asian analysis for NATO, former aide of the U.S. General in charge of the Afghanistan war in Kabul and upcoming officer at the State Department's Afghanistan desk. I also took part.

Russian officials were warning several years ago about the possible consequences of the withdrawal of foreign forces from Afghanistan for Central Asia. Following the successes of the Islamic State (IS) militant group last year in the Middle East, those warnings from Russia have come more frequently and with a greater sense of urgency.

So how significant is the threat?

Mendkovitch started by mentioning that the Taliban, or Taliban-affiliated groups, are present along the Afghan-Turkmen border. "Some groups have attacked positions of Turkmenistan, they attack the police forces of Afghanistan in the border area and in some places the Afghan government really doesn't control the situation," Medkovitch said.

It was noted that, in the latter half of the 1990s, under previous Turkmen President Saparmurat Niyazov Turkmenistan's relations with the Taliban were good. But Mendkovitch explained that current Turkmen President Gurbanguly Berdymukhammedov does not enjoy the same relationship with the Taliban, mainly because of Turkmenistan's more vigorous antinarcotics campaign that has made it more difficult for the Taliban to traffic through Turkmenistan.

Renegade Bands

Ulunian pointed out that it was unclear if the Taliban leadership controls some of those groups in northern Afghanistan who are referred to as Taliban. Ulunian said there were "uncontrolled bands" there and they were more likely than the Taliban to resort to actions against Turkmen border guards, for example.

Garner followed that point, bringing up the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU). The group has recently strengthened its presence in northern Afghanistan due to the infusion of IMU fighters who fled the Pakistani military's offensive on IMU hideouts in North Waziristan.

Garner said the threat to Central Asia was greater from the IMU than from the Taliban and she added "there's more of a threat from the IMU…possibly aligning themselves with Daesh (IS)."

There are already scattered and vague reports of a few groups in Afghanistan calling themselves IMU and swearing allegiance to the IS.

In any case, there are militant groups in northern Afghanistan; their numbers are unclear but certainly many hundreds, and while none of these groups have the ability to overrun Central Asia they do have the potential to cause instability.

So is Russia correct in saying that the Central Asians need Moscow's help to prevent such instability and is the militant threat the Kremlin's sole concern?

Ulunian said that, while it is difficult to "define the real purposes of the [Russian] authorities" he thought "the idea is to push forward its [Russia's] influence in the region where independent states were established many years ago and now the situation in those states is not good…and some characteristics, features of a crisis can be observed."

Medkovitch added that Moscow's concern was justified, pointing out that while Turkmenistan does not have a border with Russia, it does with Kazakhstan -- and Kazakhstan has a long border with Russia. Mendkovitch said, "Iraq is far away from the United States but the United States is interested in the situation in this country. They think that the current situation in Iraq is a threat for Europe, for the United States for all the modern world. So, Russia is much closer to Turkmenistan…"

The Big Question

Then the big question came up: is it possible Russia already has troops in Turkmenistan, as some reports speculated?

Mendkovitch said that, given the current state of Turkmen-Russian relations, it was impossible. Ulunian agreed there was no possibility presently of deploying Russian troops to Turkmenistan though he said it could be possible that special units were brought in briefly for training with Turkmen forces in case such Russian forces needed to return "in an emergency."

The problem with the reports of Russian troops (Uzbek troops were mentioned also) being seen in Turkmenistan is that the Turkmen government is so opaque and Turkmenistan so closed off to foreigners, that no one can be sure what is happening.

It was pointed out, for example, that the Turkmen government did cooperate with the U.S. efforts in Afghanistan, though the extent of that cooperation was intentionally never made clear.

Garner explained, for example, that Turkmenistan was part of NATO's Northern Distribution Network (NDN) to bring supplies from Europe to Afghanistan. "I can tell that, out of all of the Central Asian countries, Turkmenistan was the most sensitive about being perceived as participating in the NDN," he said.

Which is why, Garner said, it was so surprising when the head of the U.S. Central Command, General Lloyd Austin, admitted publicly at the start of this month that Turkmenistan has requested military aid from the United States. Austin did not elaborate on that request but, in the days since he made the comments, the Turkmen government has remained silent about the matter.

The conversation dealt more deeply with these topics and more. An audio recording of the panel discussion can be heard here:

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Kurdish forces walk as smoke rises behind them from clashes with Islamic State militants in Wahda, south of the Iraqi city of Kirkuk on March 16

The black flag of the Islamic State (IS) militant group has reportedly been raised in areas of northern Afghanistan, just south of the border with Central Asia. These reports have been noticed in those neighboring countries, adding to the concerns officials in Ashgabat, Tashkent, and Dushanbe already had.

RFE/RL's Turkmen Service, known locally as Azatlyk, has been reporting about the black flag being seen in northwestern provinces of Afghanistan and RFE/RL's Gandhara website has been reporting about that flag being seen in northeastern Afghanistan.

The UN's top envoy to Afghanistan, Nicholas Haysom, told the UN Security Council on March 16 that the IS is present in Afghanistan but has not yet planted "firm roots."

There seems to be ample evidence the black flags are appearing not far south of Central Asia's border but it remains unknown how many people there are rallying around the IS banner and what is attracting them.

Azatlyk organized a roundtable on IS presence in northern Afghanistan and looked at the possibilities that flag could one day be seen on the northern side of the "Oxus."

Participating in the panel discussion were Afghan members of parliament Nahit Fareed and Shukriya Barakzai, and Thomas Ruttig, co-founder and co-director of the Afghanistan Analysts Network, to get their views on the IS presence in Afghanistan.

Qishloq Ovozi has reported earlier on Commander Bobi in the northwestern Faryab Province, who claims there are IS militants near his district and in neighboring Jowzjan Province, along the border with Turkmenistan. RFE/RL's Gandhara website has quoted Konduz Governor Mohammad Omar Safi saying IS militants are in his northeastern province, along the border with Tajikistan and not far from the border with Uzbekistan.

Turkmenistan has been fortifying its border with Afghanistan for several months. Tajikistan has been doing so for many years, but this month also conducted an exercise along the Afghan border that included some 50,000 people -- soldiers, reservists, local police, and medical and transportation workers, whose services could be needed if hostilities break out.

Ruttig said there was reason for concern but he was not sure the main threat is the IS. "We have looked at the different places and we actually have only found in three [places] and in of all of those they were local groups who had either been Taliban before or Hezb-e Islami," Ruttig said. As for reports that cite high figures of hundreds or even 1,000 IS militants, Ruttig advised removing "one zero" from the end of those numbers.

Fareed also agreed there was a militant problem in northern Afghanistan but said some of those now claiming to be IS are only interested in using the brand name. "There are groups that have never been taken seriously. They swear their allegiance to [IS] that's because they want to draw attention," she said.

Barakzai noted that "right now for those [IS] militants it is a good opportunity, because the government of Afghanistan starts a new chapter of the peace process within Afghanistan" and "some part of the Taliban will not accept this kind of peace process."

UN envoy Haysom said approximately the same in his address to the Security Council, noting the IS potential "to offer an alternative flag pole to which otherwise isolated insurgent splinter groups can rally."

It would be difficult to say if that's much comfort to Central Asia. Hundreds of people from Central Asia have gone to Syria to join IS and several thousand have gone to Afghanistan and Pakistan, most to join the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) or one of its affiliates or offshoots.

But the Pakistani military's offensive in North Waziristan has driven out many of these Central Asians and sent them into northern Afghanistan. They are still nominally part of the IMU but forced from their havens in Pakistan they could be easy targets for IS recruitment in Afghanistan.

Fareed said it would be in keeping with IS efforts to spread their movement. "They want to have some kind of network between Central Asia and South Asia, I mean in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, in Pakistan, and Afghanistan is a good route. It's dangerous," she said.

Fareed also said the Afghan government had been and continued to work with its Central Asian neighbors "to counter such kind of activities, not only [IS], any activity that can be a threat against the governments of these countries."

The panelists spoke much more about who might be IS militants in Afghanistan and who is likely not, about their numbers, and their prospects in gaining a foothold in Afghanistan.

The quality of the audio at times leave much to be desired, connections to Afghanistan can still be complicated and frustrating. But the information to be gleaned from the discussion is valuable and hopefully will make up for some background noise and break-ups in some sentences.

Listen to the full audio recording here:

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