Bruce Pannier writes the Qishloq Ovozi blog and appears regularly on the Majlis podcast for RFE/RL.
It seems a pattern of governance has emerged, or rather reappeared, in Central Asia: the dynasty.
How significant could Iran be as a trade route for Central Asia? How quickly could the new route make a difference to the economies of the Central Asian states, all of which are currently in crisis? What are the limits to Central Asia’s cooperation with Iran?
A drastic economic downturn, the spillover of fighting in northern Afghanistan, and the specter of Islamic State all meant a difficult year for Central Asia.
The leaders of Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the vice president of India gathered near the Turkmen city of Mary on December 13 to launch the construction of the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) pipeline.
On December 12, there will be massive celebrations across Turkmenistan to mark the 20th anniversary of the day the United Nations officially recognized the country's "permanent neutrality."
In the past few years, the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) has fractured, and members of what at least once was the IMU are now dispersed in Afghanistan, Syria, and Iraq. In some cases, it's fairly clear who they are fighting for, but in other instances it's difficult to see their allegiance or motives.
Turkmenistan has not been immune to the economic crisis in Central Asia. But one would never know it looking at the number of costly and arguably fruitless projects into which its pouring money.
With fear of extremist attacks running high around the world, the authorities in Uzbekistan appear to moving to preempt any acts of terrorism there.
The recent fighting right along the Turkmen-Afghan border seems to have prodded Ashgabat into finally adopting a policy toward its southern neighbor, but it is not a policy that is likely to suit any of the parties in Afghanistan.
Afghanistan's problems are now clearly visible from Turkmenistan's side of their border, and despite Ashgabat's efforts to keep its neighbor's affairs from spilling over the frontier, fighting has now reached Turkmenistan's doorstep.
With some two months until Turkmenistan marks the 20th anniversary of its "positive neutrality" policy, events regionally and globally have started to erode this strategy, cracks are appearing, and, at the least, the definitions of "positive neutrality" will need to be revised.
RFE/RL’s Turkmen Service assembled a panel to discuss the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan.
The risk to Tajikistan of Afghan spillover is probably not great, but it is real. Fortunately, China, Russia, and the United States take this threat to Tajikistan very seriously.
The inclusion of India and Pakistan into the SCO does boost the group's international profile, but it could come at the expense of the Central Asian members.
Fierce fighting continues in northern Afghanistan's Faryab Province and according to one member of parliament from the region, the militants have the upper hand and the situation is close to disastrous.
RFE/RL’s Turkmen Service, known locally as Azatlyk, assembled a panel to discuss recent developments in northern Afghanistan and what Central Asia could do to help the Afghan government and military.
RFE/RL's Turkmen Service, known locally as Azatlyk, assembled a panel to discuss China's influence in Central Asia, how far it could expand, and what China's presence in Central Asia means to the geopolitics of the region.
Militants of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) are looking for a new home. They might have found one in Afghanistan, right on the doorstep of their native land.
